“Fruits are Results”: On the Interaction between Universal Archi-Metaphors, Ethno-Specific Culturemes and Phraseology

Corresponding Author: Antonio Pamies Department of General Linguistics, University of Granada, Spain antonio.pamies@gmail.com Abstract: This paper deals with the relation between language, culture and reality, as it manifests itself in figurative words, idioms and proverbs involving the concept of FRUIT in several language families. Some productive metaphoric macro-models are identified and analysed, archimetaphors as well as culturemes, analysing how the “experiential” and “cultural” motivational backgrounds can interact. We also investigate how grammatical metaphors depend on the underlying images and how cognitive mappings can be reversed.


Introduction
This paper deals with the relation between language, culture and reality, as it manifests itself in figurative words, idioms and proverbs involving the concept of FRUIT, which works as an iconic model and as a cultureme, both on the level of the source and target domains of figurative expressions. The aim is to investigate, in different languages, some semantic and syntactic differences between potentially universal archimetaphors and ethno-specific culturemes and, at the same time, to show that both categories may sometimes cooperate. Some productive metaphoric macro-models have been identified in several languages and cultures from Europe (Western, Southern and Eastern), Latin America, Middle East, Oceania and China. As a secondary goal, we investigate the influence of the semantic motivation on the syntactic restrictions into idiomatic constructional patterns.
Section 1 opposes archi-metaphors and culturemes in theoretical phraseology. Sections 2, 3 and 4 analyze three productive archi-metaphors involving a fruit as a source domain, from a semantic and grammatical point of view (FRUITS ARE RESULTS, FRUITS ARE OFFSPRING, FRUITS ARE MOMENTS). Section 5 analyzes how culturally-bound metaphors attribute positive or negative connonations to a given fruit in different languages. Section 6 analyzes the reversal of the mapping, showing that the majority of fruit names are themselves metaphors and that their motivational background can be also "experiential", "cultural", or an interaction of both.

Universal Vs. Ethno-Specific Metaphoric Models
Since phraseological units are as numerous as words, probably more (Gross, 2012), their syntax and semantics should be described as a sub-system with its own level of linguistic analysis (Kunin, 1996;Mejri, 2006: 218). As far as semantics is concerned, an important analytical tool is the Conceptual Metaphor Theory (Lakoff and Johnson, 1980), which allows us to analyze idiomatic meanings in a more systematic way than the traditional "atomized" treatment of figurative phrasemes, viewed as marginal exceptions, more or less picturesque and unpredictable. The undeniable contribution of cognitive approaches to phraseological studies was mainly orientated to metaphoric mappings with an experiential and/or perceptive background, such as up is good/down is bad; discussion is a war; etc, (Mellado Blanco, 2004;Gibbs, 2007). Later, attention was more focused on semantic models whose productivity depends on a culturally-bound basis (Dobrovol'skij and Piirainen, 2005), connecting language and the world vision embedded in each culture, according to the Russian neo-Humboldtian linguo-culturological tradition, but essentially focused on idioms and proverbs (Teliya, 1998;Dobrovol'skij, 1998;Piirainen, 2008;Luque Durán, 2007;Pamies, 2007;Pamies and Tutáeva, 2010;Luque Durán and Luque Nadal, 2008, among others). On the other hand, there is a tight relation between the semantic metaphoricity of idioms and their constructional defectivity; phrasemes can even been defined as grammatical metaphors where constructions behave like units (Pamies, 2013).
On the one hand, conceptual metaphor is a mental process underlying thousands of particular figurative expressions derived from a reduced number of concrete source domains: A few basic human activities (eating, drinking, moving, hunting, fighting, trading...) behave as mental representations of a huge variety of other phenomena, producing systematic associative patterns, called archi-metaphors (Pamies, 2001;Iñesta and Pamies, 2002) or macro-metaphorical conceptual models (Zykova, 2014a;2014b). For example, a set of 2,400 English figurative idioms related to COMMUNICATION can be classified into only 11 metaphoric models (Zykova, 2014b: 95-96). On the other hand, culturally-bound metaphors appear when a language assigns a secondary semiotic role to a previous extralinguistic cultural symbol (Dobrovol'skij, 1998;, whose linguistic productivity is attested by its role in figurative language within the limits of a cultural community. For example, many Spanish idioms are metaphors based on bullfighting: sp. conocer el percal, entrar al trapo, cambiar de tercio, dar la puntilla, cortarse la coleta, etc. (cf. Luque Durán et al., 1998). These expressions reflect a given collective world-view by means of linguo-cultural symbols called culturemes (Pamies, 2007;Luque Nadal, 2009), which provide specific mental images (Dobrovol'skij, 1998), forming networks of associated ideas (cf. Zykova, 2014b: 94). However, some culturemes may be supranational (Xatara and Seco, 2014: 504) and even international, like the widely spread idioms, based on the Bible or Greek mythology (Piirainen, 2010).
An example of perceptive archi-metaphor would be the model A DRUNKEN PERSON IS AN ANIMAL, underlying idioms like: Eng. drunk as a sow /drunk as a dancing pig /drunk as a monkey /drunk as a fish, etc. . Cross-linguistic comparison shows more coincidences than differences, which affect only the choice of the animal while the conceptual mapping between conceptual domains remains the same. For example some Guaraní idioms for "being drunk" are: Grn. huguy jaguarete (*to have jaguar's blood), huguy ka'i (*to have monkey's blood), ojupi hese tahyirẽ (*black ants are climbing on him), otéhe oúvo ñandúicha (*to knit like a spider), tuichaite lembu reve (*to be with a big beetle); opepe (*to flap one's wings in vain), etc. (Pamies et al., 2004). By contrast, culturemes connect DRUNKENNESS with less concrete and transparent references, such as the catholic rites of Holy Week used as a reference in Spanish idioms, like sp. hacer penitencia (*to make penance), hacer las estaciones (*to make the Stations), hacer el viacrucis (*to make the Stations of the Cross), cantarle a la virgen (*to sing for the Virgin), visitar sagrarios (*to visit tabernacles), ponerse más morado que la túnica del Nazareno (to become more purple than the Nazarethian's tunic) .
Both concepts, archi-metaphors and culturemes, are complementary to each other, since they have different kinds of motivations. However, some "blending" between these two mechanisms can also be observed, because an archi-metaphor functioning in several languages can be quantitatively dominant in one of them while scarcely productive in another one, or undergo local adaptations that are culturally mediated. The quantitative perspective has been studied by Zykova (2014a): Among thousands of English and Russian figurative idioms based on communication, the archi-metaphor COMMUNICATING IS PLAYING is statistically dominant in English, while, in Russian, the dominant model is COMMUNICATING IS TRAVELLING AND different cultural perceptions may motivate such quantitative differences.
The qualitative interaction, which is the main topic of this research on FRUITS, merges both processes, making their boundaries become at times fuzzy. For example the model DEATH IS A MOVEMENT OF THE LEG is productive in several languages: sp. estirar la pata [*to stretch the leg] = it. stendere le gambe = stendere le zampe [*to stretch the legs] = pt. esticar a canela [*to stretch the leg] = bater as botas [*to flap one's boots] = eng. to kick the bucket: "To die". As a consequence of rigor mortis, horses, donkeys or cows, stretch their leg(s) when they die, so this model is an experiential archi-metaphor, though not transparent nowadays. However, the Zarma Songhay variant of this image says à nà ázáw zi [*he kicked towards the West] "he died" (Niandou, 1997), therefore, since Muslims are buried with their head towards Mecca, the image of an African "kicking towards the West" merges the previous conceptual metaphor with a local cultureme. The same can be said for the Cantonese idiom (Taishan dialect) ctn. cǎi le yī bò ji huī 踩了一簸箕灰 [*to stick one's foot into the ash collector] "to die", mixing the image of the leg movement with the Buddhist rite of cremation and the Cantonese tradition of burning with the corpse a special kind of bank note called zhǐ qián纸钱 [*paper money]. According to a superstition, if someone steps on these ashes he will die soon.

Conceptual Mappings
Fruits have many figurative denominations, the name of the city where we live refers to a fruit, Granada [*pomegranate], which, since 1492, has been part of all the coats of arms of Spain). The origin of this choice is unclear and seems to proceed from a folk confusion between Arabic Medina Gar-anat [*pilgrim hill city] and the fruit name (<lat. granatum *with grains). This fruit was, in its turn, an ancient symbol of female fertility in Asia and of sexual pleasure in Greece (Chevalier andGheerbrant, 1969 [2000]: 538).
As an extension, any valuable thing, including money, may be conceptualized as a fruit, as eng. a slice of melon "a percentage of the profits", fruit for the sideboard "easy money" in Australian English (Baker, 1978), br.pt. dinheiro e fruta só servem pra se comer [*money and fruits are just made for eating] (Mota, 1987: 83). In Greco-Roman mythology, economic prosperity was symbolized by the cornucopia, a great horn overflowing with fruits and nuts, replaced by gold coins in modern graphic representations (e.g., the coat of arms of Peru and Colombia or the logotype of the French National Lottery). The variant <MONEY IS A FRUIT> is also found in many languages: sp. hacer fructificar su dinero *to make one's money fructify ["invest in productive assets"] = fr. faire fructifier son argent = it. far fruttare i soldi ≠ sp. los suegros son como las patatas, sólo dan fruto cuando están bajo tierra [*parents-in-law are like potatoes, they only bring fruit once they are under the earth] (Lloréns Barber, 1987) ≠ it. i quattrini rubatti non fanno mai frutto [*stolen pennies never make fruit] "ill-gotten gains seldom prosper" (Guazzotti and Oddera, 2006) ≠ chn. yáo qián shù 摇钱树 [*shake money tree], an allusion to the ancient Chinese legend mentioned in the Records of the Three Kingdoms (sān guó zhì 三国志), where coins fell down when shaking the "Money-tree" (yáo qián shù摇钱树) (http://primaltrek.com/moneytree.html).
Since one metaphor leads to another, the unfruitful tree designates UNWORTHY ACTIONS. In Rapa Nui, fruit trees are called rpn. tumu, while fruitless trees have another name, formally not similar, miro, which also means "wood" (Brown, 1982 Grammatically, these metaphoric idioms show until what point the semantic roles governing constructional patterns depend on the underlying image (Dobrovol'skij, 2011;. The semantic frame GIFT presupposes an Agent (the "giver"), a Patient (the "gift") and a Beneficiary (the "receiver"), and "give" has the lexical function [Oper.]: eng. to give fruits = sp./pt. dar frutos = it. dare dei frutti "to be fruitful", as a light verb with consequences on the lexical and syntactic variation. Once this pattern is codified into language, other components may replace the word give. In fruit idioms on EGOISM like sp. a higuera sin higos no acuden mirlos [*blackbirds do not fly to fruitless fig-trees] /acercarse al nopal sólo cuando hay tunas [*to approach the cactus only when there are prickly pears], trees are the "givers", fruits are the "gifts" and the implicit "receivers" are "selfish people". In fruit idioms on INJUSTICE, we can observe the symmetry between give and receive, as a "conversive pair" (Dobrovol'skij, 2011;, focusing on the fact that a reward was not given to the deserving beneficiary, no matter if the verbs give/receive are explicit or not. E.g., eng. the worst pig often gets the best pear = pt.o melhor caju é do porco [*the best cashew is for the pig] = it. ai peggi porci vanno le meglio pere [*the best pears go to the worst pigs] ≈ fr. on ne jette des pierres qu'à l'arbre chargé de fruits[*we throw stones only at the tree loaded with fruits], etc. The valences and the allowed ellipsis depend on semantic roles imposed by the metaphoric model itself. This explains why the grammatical restrictions are not the same in the model <FRUITS ARE MONEY>: The Addressee's slot does not need to be fulfilled because the money Possessor's mark refers to the same person (sp. hacer fructificar su dinero *to make one's money fructify), or because it is considered by default as the same person as the Agent (chn. yáo qián shù 摇钱树 *shake money tree). If the roles can switch within the semantic frame, the syntactic restrictions may also change, as in it. essere una pigna verde [*to be an unripe pine-cone] "to be greedy" (Craici, 2001). Here a fruit is the attribute in a structure with no Action, thus no Agent-Patient-Addressee relations; according to the "image", greedy persons keep their money like unripe cones retain their only edible part (seeds), thus, actancy roles have also undergone grammatical metaphors.
In our examples for the model <FRUITS ARE RESULTS>, an important degree of variation is possible, depending more on the semantic images than on the literal component give, whose place can be occupied by a synonym or by any other realization of the same archimetaphor: eng. to bear fruits; pt. render frutos [*to return fruits] or rs. приносить плоды [*to bring fruits].
These facts confirm Dobrovol'skij's views on the interrelationships between Construction Grammar and Phraseology. This author has investigated productive and symmetric variations in bi-valential idioms from several semantic fields and found abundant examples of diathesis inversions: rs. дать в лоб (*to give on the forehead: "to beat [someone]") vs. получить в лоб (*to receive in the forehead: "to be beaten") (2011: 209-210); grm. eins auf die Nase geben (*to give one on the nose: "to beat [someone]") ≠ eins auf die Nase bekommen (*to get one on the nose: "to be beaten") (2014). Sometimes, the direct object of "give/receive" is itself an idiom, as in rs. дать/получить зеленый свет eng. to give/receive the green light (2011: 225), so the whole phrase forms a collocation. The same applies in Spanish for dar/recibir luz verde. According to the rule of recursive imbrication of phrasemes, a collocation may include an idiom, or even another collocation, as in the same way a nominal phrase can include another one (Pamies, 2013). This type of "phraseological conversives" opposes causative, decausative and re-causative variants, in a productive and systematic way (though restricted to a reduced paradigm), especially by means of aspectual morphemes in the case of Slavic languages. E.g. rs. сидеть на хлебе и воде *to be sitting on bread and water [+LOCATIVE] "to live from hand to mouth") ≠ посадить на хлеб ив оду *to sit {someone} on bread and water [+ACCUSATIVE] "to punish by deprivation"). This diathetic opposition is very similar in Spanish, by means of lexical variation: estar a pan y agua (*to be at bread and water) ≠ poner a pan y agua (*to put at bread and water). The global meaning may sometimes become very different. E.g., rs. стоять на ушах (*to be standing on the ears "to party down") ≠ встать на уши (*to rise on the ears "to get nervous") ≠ поставить на уши(*to put on the ears "to give a thick ear") (Op.cit.: 209-210).
We find also "conversive pairs" in our corpus, such as dar frutos (*give fruits) vs. recibirlos frutos de... (*receive the fruits of...). There is also a passive variant with "harvest" (recoger los frutos de...), but external to this formal micro-paradigm and motivated directly by the semantic model <FRUITS ARE RESULTS>, while the "receive" metaphor (recibir los frutos) is only an indirect variant derived from the "give" metaphor.
Nevertheless, the symmetry between the "active" and "passive" variants is not straightforward, also for semantic reasons, since both poles include different grammatical metaphors. In dar fruto, an original Action becomes the figurative Agent of "giving", its Consequences become a fruit and its real Beneficiary is normally implicit (su investigación no dio fruto [*his research gave no fruit]). By contrast, in recibir los frutos, the real Beneficiary becomes the figurative Agent of "receiving" (thus it must be explicit), while the real Agent of an original action becomes a figurative Prepostional phrase which depends on the fruit: quien persevera recibirá el fruto de su trabajo [*those who persevere will receive the fruit of their work]. Phrasemes always involve grammatical metaphors besides their semantic metaphors (Pamies, 2013) and these idiomatic variants are not regular enough to be constructions, but too productive to be frozen expressions in the traditional sense of phraseological fixedness (Dobrovol'skij, 2014).
Another model mixing the FRUIT/RESULT archimetaphor and religion motivates the Spanish sayings si de nogal no dio nueces, de santo ¿qué te parece? [*if he didn't give walnuts when he was a walnut-tree, what do you think he will he do as a Saint?] ≈ si de peral no diste peras, ¿qué milagro de ti se espera?[*if you gave no pears as a pear-tree, what miracle can be expected from you?] (Lloréns Barber, 1987), both meaning "if someone did not help you when he was a poor devil, don't expect anything from him once he becomes powerful", referring implicitly to the kind of wood the Saint's statue is made of.
Western literature is also a source of culturemes related with fruits and results, such as Aesop's famous fable, The Fox and the Grapes (Ἀλώπηξ καί σταφυλή), adapted into Latin by Phaedrus), which even generated an idiom meaning "to conceal one's frustrated desires or expectations": eng. like the fox and the grapes = fr. comme le renard avec les raisins = sp. como la zorra con las uvas = it. come la volpe con l'uva ≈ la volpe che non arriva all'uva dice che e' acerba [*the fox that cannot catch the grapes says they are sour] ≈ pt. essas uvas são verdes [*these grapes are unripe].
The anticipation of the desired result gives rise to variants where fruits symbolize EXPECTATIONS. In this case, the generic fruit is often replaced by more concrete hyponyms, which differ inter-linguistically according to climate and local gastronomic preferences, as in proverbs meaning "we must make sacrifices now in order to get some goods in the future". eng. he that will eat the fruit must climb the tree = he that will eat the kernel must crack the nut = fr. pour manger la noix il faut casser la coque [*to eat the walnut, one must crack the shell] = il faut casser le noyau pour en avoir l'amande [*one must crack the shell in order to get its almond] = au fond du taillis sont les mûres [*blackberries are deep inside the bramble bush] = pt. quem quer bolota sobe à carvalha [*he who want acorns must climb up the oak] (Pamies, 2014) = maur. ar. əlli mā rʕa-ha xadra mā yawkal-ha tamra [*those who don't take care of their unripe palm-tree will not eat its dates] (Ould Mohamed-Baba, 2008: 164) ≈ quien guarda la higuera guardará su fruto ≈ quien quiera higos de Lepe, que trepe (Lloréns Barber, 1987) ≈ it. chi vuol mangiar frutto non colga tutti i fiori [*he who wants to eat fruit must not pick all the flowers] (Quartu, 1993) ≈ le radice della virtù sono amare ma il frutto è dolce [*the roots of virtue are bitter but the fruit is sweet] (Guazzotti and Oddera, 2006) ≈ lat.amare iuueni fructus est, crimen seni [*to love is a fruit for youth, but a crime for old people] = sp. el amor es fruta para el mancebo, para el anciano veneno (Pascual López, 2012: 269,728).
The anticipation of RESULTS also affects fruit images in proverbs criticizing over-optimistic attitudes, either in the "temporal" sense, like sp. no me digas 'oliva'hasta que no me veas cogida [*don't call me 'olive' until you see I'm caught] (Jurado, 2003), or in the "qualitative" sense, like eng. plant the crab-tree where you will, it will never bear pippins ≈ br.pt. castanha assada nao é dendê [*grilled chestnut is not palm oil] (Mota, 1987: 65) ≈ chn. zhòng guā dé guā, zhòng dòu dé dòu 种瓜得瓜, 种豆得豆 [*plant melon get melon, plant bean get bean] "as you sow, so shall you reap". A derogatory variant is br.pt. pensar que maracuja é marmelo [*to believe that passion fruit is quince] (Mota, 1987:165). Though the empirical basis of these cognitive metaphors is evident, it is also mediated by religion, because Jesus Christ himself said that men do not gather figs from thorns, nor do they gather grapes from a bramble bush (Luke 6: 44) (cf. also Matthew 7: 16), an image motivating further proverbs like: Huizache is a Nahuatl word designating different trees with no edible fruit and full of big thorns (<nht. huixachi <huitzli "thorn" + ixachi "many") (Rodríguez Valle, 2005).
Nevertheless, not all cultures are equally obsessed by productivity. We find an almost opposite attitude in this Tongan proverb: tng. hoha'a he kuo holo ha fu'u mei [*don't worry while no breadfruit has fallen from the tree] "we must not worry about things which have not happened yet" (Māhina, 2004: 130).
This model also motivates international proverbs meaning "offspring are very similar to their parents": We can observe that the analogy motivating the model <FRUITS ARE OFFSPRING> compares two states (finished product and its origin), while the model FRUITS ARE RESULTS refers to a process (growing, ripening, harvesting). This semantic difference is practically enough to explain the rethoric and syntactic differences between the expressions of both groups.
Racial preconceptions may also affect the association between fruits and offspring. The Brazilian word jenipapo is the folk name of the Genipa Americana, a fruit used for corporal painting by the Indians (<Tupi yandï 'pawa" *fruit for painting). By metonymy, this word also means "birthmark", extended to racial impurity, so the idiom ter jenipapo nas cadeiras [*to have jenipapo in the hips] means "to be a mulatto girl" (Mota, 1987: 219).

Interaction with Cultural Transfers
In Spain, pears are cropped in August, while grapes are collected at the end of September; consequently, sp. de uvas a peras (*from grapes to pears) means "seldom": taken in this order, almost one year would separate both moments. These "temporal" meanings may be understandable only in certain regions for climatic and/or gastronomic reasons. Though figs have several crops everywhere, few languages have different names to distinguish them, so sp. de higos a brevas [*from figs to breba figs] also means "seldom", since (main crop) figs are picked at the end of summer, while breba figs (first crop from the same tree) are picked in June, thus, almost one year later if taken in this order. In Brazil, the word caju [*cashew] designates the (real) fruit, a pear-shaped mesocarp, whose juice is appreciated. The cashew juice is called cajuína and is also distillated as a liquor called caium. Before the Portuguese conquest, the Tremembé indigenous already produced a fermented drink called mocororó "brew of cashew", while its big external seed is called castanha de caju [*chestnut of cashew], much more appreciated and sold apart. Since, in other countries, only the nut is eaten, cashew is identified only with the seed (fr. cajou, grm. Kaschu, sp. anacardo). Therefore, the Brazilian phrasemes quando você ia pros cajus, ja eu voltava das castanhas [*when you were going for cashew <fruits> I was coming back from the cashew <nuts>], quem não come do caju não percebe da castanha [*he who doesn't eat from the cashew < fruit > doesn't understand the cashew <nut>] (Mota, 1987: 174), both referring to the best moment for certain actions, would be a nonsense in cultures where the difference between both kinds of caju is unknown.
A moment very remote in the past may be also evoked by means of fruits: sp. en el tiempo de María Castaña [*in the time of Mary Chestnut] ≈ it. quando piovvero fichi e uva passa *when it rained figs and raisins: "Long time ago". By contrast, some biological images which are biologically inconsistent mean "never" ("when pigs will fly"): gal. cando os carballos dean uvas [*when the oaks will give grapes] ≈ cando as maceiras dean peras [*when the apple-trees will give pears] ≈ it. quando le querci farano limoni [*when oaks will make lemons] (Lapucci, 1993) ≈ quando pioveranno uva passita e fichi secchi [*when it will rain raisins and dried figs] (Durante, 2010: 50). rm. când o face plopul pere si răchita micşunele [*when the poplar will give pears and the willow will give wallflowers] (Ortega Román 2006: 78).
At the beginning of the Perestroika, this idiom was used in a discourse by the former dictator, Nicolae Ceaușescu, who declared, that, in Romania, communism would end only when pears grow on poplar trees. After his fall and execution, in December 1989, in the squares and parks of Timișoara, poplar trees were decorated with pears, to mean that "the prophecy was fulfilled" (http://www.nytimes.com/1989/12/31/weekinreview/theworld-rumania-s-years-of-desperation-days-ofrelief.html).

Cultural Transfers: Blessed Fruits Vs. Cursed Fruits
Food is not only a biological requirement, it has also a symbolic dimension, even related to emotions (Mintz, 1996). Fruits are representatives of the ethno-botanic heritage of each nation and, as a basic component of traditional alimentation, they play a role in the construction of the cultural identity of each nation. Many traces of this anthropological background remain in language for centuries. However, their relevance and prestige in gastronomy are irregular: In West and Central Africa they play little role in alimentation while they are fundamental in Amerindian or Polynesian cultures (Blench, 2004: 47). The same fruit variety may remain wild and unappreciated in a given region while considered as a delicacy somewhere else, as it happens among the Pacific Islands (Blench, 2004: 32,). The symbolic importance of each fruit in folk beliefs varies in each culture. In Motu hua means "banana" and the reduplicated plural huahua means "fruit", so this fruit seems a prototype (Lister-Turner and Clark). In Hawaiian mythology, the coconut was a man whose head was planted in the ground, while his penis and testicles dangled above it (Kame'eleihiwa, 1992: 33-34). Thus, cultures may have blessed fruits and cursed fruits and they may be local species which don't exist in other regions.
The tree Rhus taitensis ('āpape in Tahitian, tawai in Hawaiian, tavahi in Tongan), only grows in Oceanic Islands, where it is traditionally appreciated for canoe construction, but to eat its fruit is a type of taboo in Tonga, as reflected by the proverb tgn. fakatu 'atamakiki he'ete taunga 'oku tautau he fu'u tavahi [*misfortune is in the food basket hanging from the tavahi tree]. By contrast, the Indian almonds (Terminalia catappa), telie in Tongan, are associated with good luck: tgn. fakatu 'amelie ki he'ete taunga 'oku tautau he fu'u telie [*fortune is in the sweet food basket hanging from the telie tree] (Māhina, 2004: 101).
Dates have highly positive connotations in Arabic culture. The prophet Muhammad said: ÊËpn‫ا‬pÌ²±Í²pqrn [*dates are like the nails of the knees] "they bring energy and health" and the Hadid (Sayings of the Prophet) say that eating seven dates for breakfast is a good protection against poison and evil eye, so this fruit is used to celebrate the end of Ramadan (Al-Sharab, 2010: 204-241). The Arabic metaphors about dates share these positive connotations: Alger.ar. fī hiyāt ištaq tamra ki mā allquh-h 'arŷūn [*when he was alive he wanted a date, now he is dead and he has a lot of them] "success may come too late" (Mekhelef and Monferrer, 1998: 133); Class.ar. tË ³Î ‫ازرع‬ ‫±ن‬Ò² ‫ة‬pqÅ Ó´Ë‫ا‬ ±² ‫ة‬pq° Ó´x¹ Än [*if you have a date you will not eat jackal] "we must choose the best option"; ÔÌÁ ÕÌÎ ‫×زم‬ ‫ا‪¸¿n‬ص‬ [*even the dates from Alkhalaas have some bad parts] "no rose without a thorn" (Al-Sharab, 2010; Al-Jallad, 2012).
Sometimes the motivation involves in an empirical way some property of the fruit component of an idiom. E.g., we know whether a melon is good only when we have cut a slice of it, sometime too late, thus, some proverbs say:  (Mota, 1987: 74, 148) ≈ kurd. gndore be reng nîye [*melon from color is+not] "don't judge a book by the cover" (Muhsin Ismail, 2011: 207).
In other cases, cultural symbolism is involved. In French, cherries are connected to misfortune only through language: Avoir la cerise/avoir la guigne [*to have the cherry] "to be dogged by bad luck". This motivation seems opaque, perhaps it refers to the fact that cherries pull each other, getting tangled by their multiple stems, as suggested by a proverb in other Romance languages:  (Sevilla Muñoz, 2008 In several cultures, the APPLE is a polysemic symbol, merging experience with cultural connotations. It was a sacred fruit for Scandinavian and Celtic civilizations, symbolizing wisdom, female fertility and/or eternal life (Cirlot, 1992). The goddess Iðunn provided the Nordic gods with apples giving them eternal youth (cf. Ellis Davidson, 1965: 165-166). The Svenska Folk Sagor mentions Fountains of youth and priceless apples who could make old people be young again (Washburn Hopkins, 1905: 13-15). The name of the island Avalon, where King Arthur took out Excalibur from the stone, comes from old Welsh aball "apple-tree" (cf. modern Breton aval, modern Welsh afall) (cf. Koch, 2006).

sp. cerezas y males traen detrás otros tales
Some of the few traces of this (positive) symbolism in modern languages include the expression apples! meaning "all right" in slang, the proverb an apple a day keeps the doctor away (whose origin, according to Pollan, 2001, is an old marketing slogan for cider in the United States). Admittedly, Lloréns Barber (1987: 154) and Sevilla Muñoz (2008Muñoz ( -2011 found equivalents in other languages, but they could be (recent) borrowings from English: sp. no hay cosa más sana que comer en ayunas una manzana ≈ una manzana al día, al médico alejaría ≈ it. una mela al giorno, toglie al medico di torno ≈ fr. pomme du matin éloigne le médecin ≈ rs. яблоко в день -доктора в дверь). Anyway, a genuine Spanish comparative collocation says sana como una manzana [*healthy as an apple]. According to Gervasius, Alexander-the-Great was seeking in India the apples that made the Hindu priests live four hundred years (Otia Imperialia: 895 apud. Washburn Hopkins, 1905: 19) and the Persian soldiers who fought against him, the famous ten thousand immortals, were also called the apple bearers (gr. οἱ µηλοφόροι, fr. mélophores) by Xenophon (Cyropaedia, VII [1914]).
Greek mythology and Plato's ideas about love (each soul has been split and needs to find its own predestinated beloved half part: Symposium, apud. Pascual López, 2012: 240), gave birth to the HALF A FRUIT metaphor, attested by idioms like eng. the other half of the apple = it. mezza mela = pol. druga połówka jabłka ≈ sp. media naranja [*half orange] "soulmate. However, the connotations of the APPLE became ambiguous in Greek culture, because of the mythological Apple of Discord, origin of the Trojan war, that represents -in many languages-the reason of any dispute (sp. manzana de la discordia = fr. pomme de la discorde = grm. Zankapfel = rs. яблоко раздора).
Judeo-Christianism converted the APPLE into a cursed fruit, though, in fact, it was not the forbidden fruit of the Bible. The Vulgata always says "fruit" (fructus), never "apple" (mālum) (Hyeromiana versio: Vulgata, Genesis 3:1-22), and the same happens in its early translations to modern languages. E.g., But of the fruit of the tree which is in the midst of the garden, God hath said, Ye shall not eat of it... (Genesis: 3: 1-22, King James version). The shift seems due to the more frequent use of the word pōmum in liturgy, which meant originally "any fruit with seeds", but -by metonymy -became restricted to apples in the late Empire period, replacing the classical Latin word mālum (cf. fr. pomme; cat. poma "apple"), as did its botanic referent in the cultural symbolism attested by idioms: eng. forbidden apple = grm. verbotener Apfel = sp. manzana prohibida = fr. pomme défendue = it. mela vietata = pt. maçã proibida = svk. zakazane jablko = rs. запретное яблоко; eng. to eat the apple from the tree of knowledge = sp. comer la manzana del árbol de la sabiduría = fr. manger la pomme de l'arbre de la connaissance = cz. utrhnout jablko ze stromu poznani = rs. сорвать яблоко сдерева познания.
The negative connotations, related to Original Sin, were extended from apples to women: eng. the fairest apple to the eye may have a rotten core (Strauss, 1994) (Flonta, 2001) ≈ fr. souvent la plus belle pomme est véreuse ≈ it. belli pomi sono anche alle volte amari. Another variant of this mysogynist proverb contains a chestnut instead of an apple, perhaps because of the rhyme: sp. la mujer y la castaña por su apariencia engañan; it. la donna è come la castagna: bella di fuori ma dentro è magagna (Guazzotti and Oddera, 2006) [*nice apples are sometimes bitter].
After the Renaissance, the connotations of the forbidden fruit became less negative. The original religious symbolism began to assume a more hedonistic view. E.g., sp. cojed de vuestra alegre primavera/el dulce fruto antes que el tiempo airado/ cubra de nieve la hermosa cumbre... (Garcilaso, Soneto XXIII) [literally: *pick up the sweet fruit of your merry Spring, before angry Time covers with snow the beautiful peak]). Corneille's verse Plus le péril est grand, plus doux en est le fruit (*the higher the danger, the sweeter the fruit) is an elegant variant of proverbs like: eng. forbidden fruit tastes the sweetest = fr. les fruits interdits sont les plus doux = rs. запретный плод сладок = grm. Verbotene Früchte schmecken am besten = verbotene Aepfel sind süss.
In a much less romantic way, some Brazilian idioms also associate the generic fruit with sexuality: br.pt. gostar da fruta (*to like fruits) "to hound women", fruta nova (*new fruit") or fruta verde (*green fruit) "young prostitute" (Cascudo, 1970: 192); moça nova é como o ananas, em cima está verde mas em baixo está capaz [*young woman is like a pineapple: green/unripe above but suitable below] (Mota 1987: 122 www.dicionario.sensagent.com & pt.wikipedia.org). These expressions are supposed to call up some physical similarities (melon for "breast", watermelon for "buttocks", etc.), but they share the cultural association between sexual temptation and fruits. One of these dancers, called mulher maçã [*apple woman] had a great success with the song entitled A maçã, o fruto proibido [*the apple: the forbidden fruit]. In English slang, to lose one's cherry refers to virginity, while a peach is a pretty woman (Ayto and Simpson, 2010).
Another relation between the sexual taboo and a fruit corresponds to BANANAS in Hawaiian culture, where women are not allowed to eat them in the presence of men (Kame'eleihiwa, 1992). By contrast, in Māori culture, the SWEET-POTATO (kumara) has the connotations of a desired object, as in this proverb on modesty: kaure te kumarae wheakii ana tana teka [*the sweet-potato does not say how sweet she is] (Fletcher, 1922).
In China, the PEAR (chn. lí 梨) must not be given as a present because of its homonymy with lí 离 ("to split"), while "to cut a pear" (fēn lí分梨), whose pronunciation is also the same as lí 分离 ("to separate), is considered a BAD OMEN. By contrast, in Latin culture, the PEAR and the CHERRY have positive connotations, as attested by idioms and proverbs like sp. ser una perita en dulce [*to be a small pear in sugar] "to be very appetizing" ≠ ser la pera [*to be the pear] "to be amazing" ≈ partir peras [*to share pears] "to have fair relations with someone" ≈ pt. jogar as peras [*to play one's pears] ≠ sp. con mayor que tú no partas peras [*don't share pears with someone bigger than you] = de ninguna manera con tu amo partas peras [*never share pears with your master] = pt. com teu amo nao jogues as peras [*don't play your pears with your master] (Mota, 1987: 72;Ribeiro, 1984: 78) ≈ lat. cum domino cerasum res est mala mandere seruum [*the servant eating cherries with his master is something wrong] = sp. si comes cerezas con tu señor, tú las comerás de una en una y él dos a dos [*if you eat cherries with your lord, you will eat them one by one and he will eat them in twos] (Pascual López, 2012: 522-523). The motivation of this image is more transparent in the French proverb qui avec son seigneur mange poires, il ne choisit pas les meilleures [*he who eats pears with his lord cannot choose the best ones] (Sevilla Muñoz, 2008, origin of the current idiom fr. couper la poire en deux [*to divide the pear in two] "to share all risks and benefits with someone". The DATES are blessed for Muslims, whose Heaven is full of them, but, because of that, the Kurdish idiom çû bo xurma xuardn [*he's gone to eat dates] is a euphemism for "he's dead" (Muhsin Ismail, 2011: 174).
The fruits which grow easily are an important element of the traditional diet, but, at the same time, their cheaper price allows them to symbolize (critically) the "lowest value" in figurative idioms and proverbs. This productive archi-metaphor can be described as CHEAP FRUITS ARE CONTEMPTIBLE THINGS. The "chosen" fruits change in each culture but the metaphoric pattern is the same. In English and Italian, the FIG corresponds semiotically to the PLUM in French, the CHILLI PEPPER in Spanish, the BANANA and the SOUR CHERRY in Brazilian Portuguese. This value explains the negative connotations of PUMPKINS in other metaphors, such as sp. dar calabazas [*to give pumpkins] "to be absent in a date" or "to reject a marriage proposal"; más soso que una calabaza [*more insipid than a pumpkin] ≈ cuando la mujer manda en casa, el marido es calabaza [*when the wife rules the house, the husband is a pumpkin] ≈ br.pt.o que dá mais no sertao é menino e jerimum [*the most abundant things in the desert backlands are kids and pumpkins] (Mota, 1987: 152). Depending on its size, one AUBERGINE could be cheaper than a pumpkin, so a Spanish proverb says: nunca de mala berengena se hizo buena calabaza [*from a bad eggplant comes no good pumpkin] (Pascual López, 2012: 863). These fruits are cheap, thus insignificant (Pamies, 2014).  (Guazzotti and Oddera, 2006) ≈ fare le nozze con fichi secchi [*to make weddings with dried figs] "to be too thrifty" (Lapucci, 1993); fr. ne pas valoir une prune [*not to be worth a plum] "to have no value" ≈ ne pas donner une prune (pour quelqu'un) [*not to give a plum (for smb.)] ≈ donner une prune pour deux oeufs [*to give a plum for two eggs] "to make a good business" ≈ aimer mieux deux oeufs qu'une prune [*to prefer two eggs to a plum] "to be smart" ≈ faire cent sauts pour une prune [*to jump a hundred times for a plum] = travailler pour des prunes [*to work for plums] "to work in vain" ≈ compter pour des prunes [*to count for plums] "to count for nothing" ≈ des prunes! [*plums!] "no way!" ≈ mangez de nos prunes: nos pourceaux n'en veulent plus [*eat our plums: our pigs don't want them] (Pamies, 2011); sp. no valer un pimiento [*not to be worth a chilli pepper] ≈ no dar un pimiento (por alguien/algo) [*not to give a chilli pepper (for smb.)] ≈ importar un pimiento [*to care a chilli pepper] ≈ ¡y un pimiento! [*and a chilli pepper!] "no way!" ≈ vale más un pimiento regalado que todo el huerto rogado [*a given chilli pepper is better than the whole field implored] ≈ del avariento, ni un pimiento [*from a greedy man, not a single chilli pepper] (Pamies, 2011); br. pt. a preço de banana [*at banana's price] "very cheap" ≈ república das bananas [*banana republic] "corrupted and ineffective country" ≈ dar uma banana [*to give a banana] "to make the finger" ≈ levar uma banana [*to bring a banana] "someone made the finger to us" ≈ descascar a banana [*to peel the banana] "to masturbate" (Monteiro, 2011) ≈ com bananas e bolos se engana os tolos [*bananas and breadrolls cheat the idiots] ≈ perguntar se macaco quer banana (*to ask if the monkey wants banana) "asking unnecessary questions" ("is the Pope a Catholic?") (Mota, 1987: 70, 166) ≈ passar guinja [*to pass sour cherry] "to starve" (Cascudo, 1970). Guinja is a Brazilian variety of Prunus cerasus, whose bad taste make it "poor people's food" (Cascudo: Ibid.).
In Southern China, ORANGES, TANGERINES, "WINTER MELONS" (benincasa hispida) and PERSIMMONS are also very easy to grow, so they have negative figurative meanings if applied to persons. The Cantonese idioms luó dǐ chéng 箩底橙 [*large+woven+basket bottom orange] and shén tái jú 神台桔 [*altar tangerine] refer, through the image of remaining unsold fruits, to women who still haven´t got married. The compound dōng guā 冬瓜 [*winter melon] is a component of derogatory idioms referring to fat women, dōng guā nǚ 冬瓜女 [*winter melon woman], dà dōng guā 大冬瓜 [*big winter melon]. In Chinese, chī shì zi zhuān jiǎn ruǎn de niē 吃柿子专拣软的捏 [*to eat persimmon +SUFF. specially choose soft pinch] means "to bully the weak and fear the strong", through the image of persimmon eaters, who choose the softest one on the tree. The ANANAS is a positive symbol in Brazil (br.pt. abacaxi), in the regions where it is produced, an ananas at the entrance of the house indicates that visitors are welcome. It is also called rei dos frutos [*king of the fruits] because the leaves on its top remind one of a crown. However, its connotations are not very positive in the expression pt. descascar o abaxi [*to peel the ananas], which means "to solve a very difficult problem" and, in the state of Pernambuco, the same idiom means "to be a bad dancer" (Alacazum, 2009). Other culturally "cursed" fruits are those used as insults against alleged "poor minded" persons, or as components in idioms related to stupidity. E.g.:  (Kany, 1960) ≈ it. cocomero [*watermelon] ≈ essere una testa di cavolo [*to be a cabbage head] "to be stupid") "idiot" ≈ fr. vieille noix [*old walnut] ≈ tu me prends pour une poire? [*do you take me for a pear?] "do you think I am stupid?" ≈ br. pt. banana "idiot" ≈ se embananar ≈ estar embananado [*to be bananaized] "to be completely confused" (Monteiro, 2011) ≈ não sou caju [*I am not a cashew] "I am not so stupid" (Ribeiro, 1984: 64) ≈ ser um beldroega [*to be a purslane] "to be an idiot" (Cascudo, 1970: 178). In spite of its medicinal properties, Beldroega "purslane" [Portulaca brasiliana)] is very cheap in Brazil, where it grows everywhere [Cascudo, 1970: 178]).

eng. lemon
In Cantonese, we can find similar insults: cnt. shǔ tóu shǔ nǎo 薯头薯脑 [*sweet-potato head sweet potato brain] "stupid and clumsy" ≈ zhǎng dé xiàng fān shǔ 长得像番薯 [*grow participle like sweet-potato] "with a bulky look" = dà fān shǔ大番薯 * big sweet potato "slow and clumsy". A widely spread proverb also relates stupidity with fruits, though indirectly: fr. couper l'arbre pour avoir le fruit [*to cut the tree in order to get the fruit] = it. fare come i antichi, che taglavano il fico per cogliere le fiche [*to make like the ancients, who cut the fig-tree to pick up the figs] ≈ dare a mangiare le pesche per vendere i noccioli [*to make someone else eat the peaches to sell the pits] ≈ rs. срубить дерево, чтобы достать плод [*to cut tree in order to get fruit] ≈ chn. kǎn shù chī júzi, bùgù gēnběn 砍树吃橘子,不顾根本[*cut tree eat orange, no care root] "cut the tree to eat the oranges, don't care about the root" (Bai Du Zhi Dao, 2015). , the constructional pattern also undergoes a grammatical metaphor, in which the FRUIT behaves like a Patient, though these verbs do not normally admit a direct object. This structure would not be possible if these names were used with their literal meaning.

Mapping Reversal
As already shown in other fields of figurative language (Pamies, 2007;Pamies et al., 2014), mappings between source and target domains are not uni-directional. Fruits motivate botanic metaphors to designate body parts, but they can also be the target of somatic or zoomorphic metaphors and even of another fruit. These bi-directional models may be "empirical" (associations based on perceptual analogies between the shape of something and a given fruit), like eng. tooth of garlic, or apple of the eye. However, they may also interact with cultural semantic transfers involving folk beliefs (superstitions, mythology, religion), like chn. fó tóu guǒ 佛头果 [*Buddha head fruit] or eng. Adam's apple.

Body Parts Names > Fruit Names
The conceptual transfer from human body towards other domains is probably the most extended mechanism in metaphor, even for fruit names:

Fruit Names > Body Parts Names
In spite of the high frequency and universality of somatic metaphors, the human body is also the target domain of many metaphors where FRUIT is the source domain. Proto-Melanesian qiteluk designates at the same time "fruits", "nuts", "nipples" and "testicles" (Blust, 1995), while, in Rapa Nui, hua [*coconut] means also "testicle" (Baker, 1978). In Biliau las [*coconut shell] means also "skull" (Simons and Simons, 1977) while in Sinaugoro, vara [*inner part of the coconut] designates the brain (Tauberschmidt, 1995). In Motu, the verb dobigaga means "to fruit upwards", from dobi "fruit" + gaga "to turn face forwards stretching the neck" (Lister-Turner and Clark, s/d).
Sexual parts are the most usually concerned. The name of the avocado (Persea americana) comes from Spanish aguacate, borrowed from Nahuatl ahuacatl, meaning "testicle", a polysemy which remains in Mexican Spanish aguacate, though reversing the metaphor (Kany, 1960 Many of these euphemistic and dysphemistic fruit names function also as idiom components: eng. nutty as a fruit cake "mad" = to go nuts "to become crazy" ≠ to get on (someone's) quince "to exasperate" (from quince as "penis") ≠ sp. tocarse la pera [*to touch one's pear] "to masturbate" and "to do nothing" ≠ fr. je n'en ai rien à glander! [*I have nothing to acorn] "I don't give a fuck!" ≠ qu'est-ce que tu glandes? [*what do you acorn] "what the hell are you doing?" (both from gland *acorn as "penis head") ≠ se fendre la poire [*to split one's pear] "to roar with laugh" (from poire *pear as "face") ≈ motu kiri [*fruit ripening] "to laugh" (Lister-Turner and Clark, s/d).
Christian culturemes may motivate also folk names of non-sexual body parts, such as eng. Adam's apple; fr. pomme d'Adam; gmn. Adams apfel; rs.адамого яблоко; cz. Adamovo ohryzek. A good example of motivation blending is sp. nuez de Adán, where nuez [*walnut] is based on a physical similarity with adult men's glottis, bigger, thus, seen from outside, while Adán is related to a folk belief (a remain of the original sin, still stuck in man's throat). This symbol is absent in Chinese, where this protuberance of man's glottis is called [*throat knot (hóu jié 喉结).

Animal Names > Fruit Names
Zoomorphism is the second more extended type of metaphoric mapping. Fruit names make no exception to this general rule: In Motu, dudu is a shellfish whose polysemic name designates also the "sprout of a fruit after blossom" (Lister-Turner and Clark, s/d). In Chinese, zoomorphic models (including imaginary creatures like Phoenix or the Dragon) are very productive for fruit names, whose symbolism becomes also related to the role of these animals in mythology and superstitions:

Culturemes > Fruit Names
As cultural symbols, imaginary creatures and religious beliefs may also motivate figurative fruit names, as in grm. Paradiesapfel [*Paradise apple] "tomato" (SOLANUM LYCOPERSICUM). Another Chinese name of the sugar apple (ANNONA SQUAMOSA) is fó tóu guǒ (佛头果) [*Buddha head fruit], motivated by its shape, which reminds us of Sakyamuni's head, so it is also called shì jiā guǒ (释迦果) [*Sakyamuni fruit] (http://www. baike. com). Sakyamuni is one of the Buddah's names. Another example is the beautiful tropical fruit HYLOCEREUS UNDATUS, (Fig. 1) (Rodríguez Canto, 2000). Its fragrant flower, which blooms only at night, is called sp. reina de la noche, pt. rainha da noite *queen of the night or sp. flor de luna *moonflower). (baike.baidu.com/view/9288.htm?fr=aladdin, Accessed in April 2015). The dragon is a polysemic symbol with positive connotations in Chinese culture, as a symbol of power, elegance, honor, luck and success. He owns supernatural powers: Moving across skies or seas, controlling the forces of nature on the earth, producing winds and rains and, last but not least, he was the symbol representing the highest ruler, the Emperor who was supposed to have received his power from the Dragon: His title of "Son of Heaven" (zhēn lóng tiān zǐ 真龙天) was, literally, *real dragon sky son. Nobody but the Emperor could use a dragon as a decorative symbol for his house, carriages and boats, called lóng niǎn龙辇 [*dragon carriage], lóng zhōu龙舟 [*dragon boat], etc., to remind other people of his privileges.
The similarity between this fire dragon fruit and the shape and colors of the flames is "blended" with the cultural connotations of the dragon, associating the aristocratic beauty and sophisticated flavor of this expensive fruit to the exclusive privileges of the Emperor (Wang, 1999(Wang, -2012. The exotic medicinal fruit SIRAITIA GROSVENORII is called chn. luó hàn guǒ (罗汉果) [*Arhat fruit] and shén xiān guǒ神仙果 [*immortal fruit] (for Buddhism, arhat or arahant is someone who has reached a deep understanding of the true nature of existence, achieving Nirvāna and, therefore, will not be born again [G.D. Bond 2011 Arhat, http://oxfordindex.oup.com /view/10.1093/obo/9780195393521-0033]) There are several folk versions about the origin of the names of this endemic cucurbitaceae from Southern China (Guilin, Guangxi). According to a legend, there was a pest of insects in the World of Man and Shen Ning -also known as Yandi 炎帝, one of the oldest ancestors of the Chinese People-tried many herb remedies to stop it; so Buddha, compassionate, send him down nineteen Arhat (chn. Luó Hàn 罗汉) to help him. One of them had promised he would not return to Heaven until the pest is eliminated and he was converted into a sanatory fruit which, since then, bears his name (http://zh.wikipedia.org).
The mysterious fruit called chn. rén shēn guǒ人参果 [*fruit of ginseng] (POTENTILLA ANSERINA) has no botanical relation with the gingseng (root of PANAX), only a cultural one: to produce longevity. According to the legend, the rén shēn guǒgives immortality because its shape reminds a baby, its peel has the exact shape of a human body, including head, eyes, ears, nose, mouth, belly button, arms, legs, etc. (Fig. 2). In one of the most famous novels of classical literature, Xī yóu jì西游记 (Journey to the West), it is mentioned that this plant grows in the mountain Wàn Shòu 万寿山 [*ten+thousand long-life moutain]. This fruit is also called cǎo huán dān草还丹[*herb recover Dan] "medicine of Immortality"], because of the belief that this plant blossoms every 3000 years, gives fruits 3000 years later, which ripen after other 3000 years. Therefore, one would need 9000 years to eat it. Besides, during this period, only 30 fruits will be produced. If someone smells it once, he will live 360 years; eating it, one may live 47, 000 years. If the fruit is near gold, it falls down; near wood, it gets dry; near water, it melts; near fire, it burns; if it falls on the ground, it enters the earth (cf. http://baike.baidu.com). This very rare fruit is considered extraordinarily valuable and cannot be bought in any shop, its price in internet is at least 360 yuan (about 45€) for each piece (http://detail.1688.com).

Conclusion
In figurative language, fruits may function as a very productive iconic model for archi-metaphors and/or as culturemes, but not only as the source domain, they are also the target domain in many cases. This bidirectionality contradicts some assumptions of the "classical" theory of cognitive metaphor, such as the BODY>MIND rule by Lakoff and Johnson (1980: 118) or the SPACE>TIME rule by Staib (1996: 189), CONCRETE>ABSTRACT (Cuenca and Hilferty, 1999: 103), and it has also been observed in other conceptual domains, such as BIRDS, TREES or FISHES, among others (Pamies, 2007;Pamies and Tutáeva, 2010;Pamies et al., 2014). Fruits are often the target domain for single word metaphors (simple or compound), while they are the source domain in idioms and proverbs. Experiential and cultural metaphoric macro-models may sometimes interact, blurring their mutual boundaries, which, nevertheless, are relevant, since they oppose the potential universality of archi-metaphors and the ethno-specificity of culturemes.
In spite of the fixedness of phrasemes, idiomatic expressions have a certain degree of variation, which is not completely arbitrary or unpredictable, but rather systematic within the limits of small paradigms. As pointed out by Dobrovol'skij (2011), some groups of variants are regular enough to consider the involved expressions as a micro-paradigm of mutual transformations, instead of independent idioms ("constructional phrasemes"). Within the limits of the archi-metaphor <FRUITS ARE RESULTS>, it is the case of the conversive pairs sp. dar frutos (*give fruits: "produce results") Vs. recibir/recoger los frutos de... (*receive/harvest the fruits of..: "to benefit from the results of..."). The dependence of these syntactic transformations from the underlying semantic image explains that variations allowed for this archi-metaphor cannot function in another one (e.g., fruits are offspring).